The erosion of democracy in places like Brazil, which votes in a presidential election Sunday, has led U.S. President Joe Biden to declare the contest between democracy and autocracy as the defining battle of our times. But if the past few years have seen a crisis of democracy, they’ve also seen a crisis of autocracy.
Joe Biden called for reforming the U.N. Security Council last week, in an effort to counter Russia’s intransigence and complete disregard for a core principle of the U.N. Charter: the territorial integrity of the U.N.’s member states. But while calls for reforms are understandable, they are not going to happen. Nor should they.
For years, environmentalists have pointed out the damage done to our health and lives by car-centric cities, including air pollution, neighborhood demolition and fatal accidents. The alternative would be cleaner cities designed to promote accessible, reliable and efficient transport, but also clean air and a creative outdoor culture.
This past July, the International AIDS Conference was held in Montreal, Canada. But what was meant to be an opportunity to galvanize international cooperation against a disease that has killed millions devolved into a debate about the inequitable nature of visa regimes and their impact on attendance at global conferences.
In their speeches to the U.N. General Assembly this week, African leaders reflected on the common theme of the continent’s place in the world, while emphasizing a message of equity and inclusivity in global governance. This was underlined by their now-familiar demands for reform of the Security Council.
The number of people displaced as a result of climate disasters and the slower-onset impacts of climate change is likely to grow, but legally speaking, there’s no such thing as a “climate refugee.” This begs the question: Are our current legal frameworks adequate to deal with climate-related displacement?
It is tempting to think that the liberal international order might have stood a better chance absent Russian revanchism and Chinese ambition. But to do so ignores the degree to which the globalization narrative disregarded globalization’s real impact on local communities. If the war in Ukraine represents a meaningful change, it is about reasserting the centrality of the state in globalization’s violent practices.
The global economic situation is dire, particularly for low- and middle-income countries. Yet, when it comes to solutions, relatively little thought has gone to the role that might be played by international financial institutions and tools—like debt relief—that could support countries in their fight against inflation.
The IAEA has found itself in the thick of two global political crises—securing a Ukrainian nuclear power plant and enforcing oversight of Iran’s nuclear program. Its chief, Rafael Grossi, has managed both files with dexterity, but his ongoing success will depend on his ability to avoid alienating any of the parties involved.
Just days after Liz Truss became the U.K.’s fourth prime minister in six years, Queen Elizabeth II, the longest-serving monarch in the country’s history, died at the age of 96. The wide range of reactions to her death, both within the U.K. and around the world, say a lot about the country, but also about current global politics.
Predictions that the coronavirus pandemic would kill globalization began to emerge within weeks of the economic shutdowns it unleashed. Now, Russia’s war in Ukraine has crystallized a consensus that globalization is experiencing its death throes. Rumors of globalization’s death, however, are likely premature.