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September 05, 2010
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Trend Lines

French Defense Outsourcing

Posted By Judah Grunstein 03 Sep 2010 A few more eyebrow-raisers in terms of France's defense purchases: The head of France's procurement agency traveled to Washington over the summer to discuss the purchase of Reaper UAV drones, and the French military is anxiously awaiting delivery of a batch of already purchased Javelin missiles for use in Afghanistan.

The Javelins are a minor purchase, and needed to fill an urgent operational gap. But they come on the heels of similar gaps in light-armor vehicles being filled with second-hand U.S. equipment last year.

The drone purchase, on the other hand, marks a pretty significant strategic choice hanging in the balance, and parallels a similar situation involving strategic airlift. The U.S. drones would be either a fill-in measure or a replacement for an EADS model that has had problems getting off the drawing board on time. Similarly, France is considering purchases of U.S.-built C-17s as a stopgap measure to make up for delays in the delivery of the A400M, also developed by EADS.

For a country whose national security culture is characteerized by an understandable pride in its autonomy, that would represent a pretty big helping of crow, and represent a major setback for French and European defense manufacturing.

Turkey's Military Spending Hedge

Posted By Judah Grunstein 03 Sep 2010 There's an easy punchline in the fact that despite its "zero problems with neighbors" policy increasingly bearing fruit, Turkey's defense spending continues to climb. But the truth is, if the U.S. is able to live with the instability that could result from "turning the page" on Iraq, that's because it will remain distant. Turkey and Iraq's other neighbors, however, once again have a very unpredictable near- and medium-term forecast on their borders. Add to that the inherent volatility of the current standoff over Iran's nuclear program and the nature of the Middle East, and the fact that Turkey is hedging through a military modernization program makes sense. And when you look at the big-ticket items -- F-35 fighters, attack helicopters, domestically produced tanks, and four diesel subs -- you're looking at a military capability that's credible enough to serve as a regional stabilizer. That, combined with a "zero problems" policy, is reassuring.

Filling the Global Security Gap

Posted By Judah Grunstein 03 Sep 2010 Addressing the possibility that the U.S. and Europe will shy away from military interventions post-Iraq/post-Afghanistan, Richard Gowan suggests that emerging countries -- Brazil, China and India, in particular -- could very well step in to fill the gap in the context of U.N. state-building operations. It tracks well with what Matt Armstrong wrote in his WPR feature article, U.N. Peacekeeping as Public Diplomacy. (Gowan's article in that issue, The Tragedy of 21st Century U.N. Peacekeeping, makes for good reading, too, as a cautionary note.) In this case, emerging countries' interest in burnishing their global bona fides would overlap with U.S. and Europeans' interest in downsizing their global security footprint with regard to lengthy state-building projects. The fact that U.N. forces have gotten pretty at the job makes it an attractive option, and one we should be encouraging.

More on the 'Great Asia Rebalancing'

Posted By Judah Grunstein 02 Sep 2010 A propos my post of the other day, here's more along the same lines from Carlyle Thayer writing at East Asia Forum, who frames it as China's soft power vs. U.S. smart power. And once again, U.S. smart power seems to have made a significant comeback. Significantly, as Thayer puts it, "The timing is bad for China as the regional security architecture looks set to gain a new lease on life and expand into new areas of cooperation." Add to that the fact that the soon-to-include-the-U.S. grouping, EAS, is apparently gaining an edge over the sans-U.S. ASEAN+3 grouping favored by China. (For more on that, see our WPR feature issue, Regional Integration in Asia.) As Thayer concludes, "The view that U.S. primacy is in decline seems premature indeed."

Turkey as a Global Middle Power?

Posted By Judah Grunstein 02 Sep 2010 In the midst of a post on Turkey-India relations, and how they are limited by each seeing the other through the prism of Cyprus and Pakistan respectively, Mehmet Ozkan makes a good point about Turkey's lack of membership in any of the emerging power forums, like BRIC or IBSA. He argues that such an involvement would help India and Turkey develop institutional ties that they currently lack.

But it occurred to me that it would also be a solid credential ratifying Turkey's status as not just just a regional power, but as a global middle power. I'm surprised that hasn't been already a goal of Turkish diplomacy, but expect it will be in the years to come. The question remains whether or not it would be deserved, which in turn highlights the ways in which, diplomatically speaking, Turkey boxes well above its economic weight class.

India, China and Nuclear Subs

Posted By Judah Grunstein 02 Sep 2010 A good rundown from Ajai Shukla of India's, and China's, ambitious targets and mediocre results. The great Indian Ocean Panic of 2009 could still very well turn out to be a dud.

European Military Reform and American Power Projection

Posted By Judah Grunstein 02 Sep 2010 This is a good point by Galrahn at Information Dissemination, on the disconnect between trends in European military reform and trends in U.S. strategic thinking:

We will have to wait and see what Germany ultimately decides to do, but in reading military reform arguments from various nations across Europe, including Russia, the 21st century army models of expeditionary forces most often include discussions regarding amphibious lift capacity and numbers of medium and heavy lift helicopters. In other words, the capabilities that most mimic the U.S. Marines are more desired by the rest of the world than the capabilities of a large standing army.

It is a noteworthy contrast of strategic thinking how in the U.S., we seem to have this in complete reverse as we debate what the U.S. Marines will be in the future while speaking of the enormous challenges towards recapitalizing the Army in DoD budget discussions. With Iraq combat operations now over, it is time to keep an eye on what narrative emerges in Washington.

At a time when many are rightly asking what we've learned from Iraq, it's important to contrast that with what our main defense partners have learned from Afghanistan. European defense planners are clearly concerned by their lack of expeditionary capacity. Having available troops might not have affected their ultimate refusal to send more of them to Afghanistan. But they would have preferred to say no by choice, not simply because they don't have the ability to say yes.

At the same time, they have become even more convinced of the importance of the political component of any intervention, and in particular, the need for an exit strategy before entering the field. The EUFOR Chad mission is a case in point: The mission's end date was written into its deployment authorization and was -- to most observers' surprise -- respected. Along these lines, another indicator to watch, both for decision-makers and public opinion, will be the EU participation in the UNIFIL mission in southern Lebanon, should that ever become a hot zone.

It's too early to tell what Washington policymakers have learned from the Iraq war. I don't think it's fair to extrapolate from the Obama administration's time-limited escalation in Afghanistan, for instance, to conclude that we have learned nothing, as Michael Cohen and Andrew Bacevich have done. But in terms of defense thinking, we might be risking a role reversal in the division of labor between the U.S. and its European allies, whereby their militaries become more apt at short-term expeditionary interventions and ours more geared toward long-term stabilization operations. In other words, they would become the peacemakers, and us the peacekeepers.

It's far from a certainty that things will play out this way in Europe. Such an expeditionary capacity is in pretty sharp opposition to the European mindset regarding power projection. And I suspect, like Andrew Exum, that even if the U.S. does end up with a boot-heavy, COIN-focused Army, it would go largely unused for the 10 years to come. But that just represents a waste of resources, and another case of "last-war-itis," on both sides of the Atlantic.

America in the 'Post-Pottery Barn Rule' Era

Posted By Judah Grunstein 31 Aug 2010 I didn't get to enjoy a full-fledged media fast during the three weeks I was away, as I managed to do last summer. But I did limit myself to urgent e-mails, the occasional online news item, and some print magazine reading. And I consider that kind of break from the information onslaught a vital exercise for the way it allows you to focus back in on the big stories that are sometimes obscured by the radio static of day-to-day international news and debate. Not that the latter is unimportant, just that the former is essential.

The first thing that struck me as I waded back in was this East Asia Forum piece on the great rebalancing in Southeast Asia. And the upshot echoes with yesterday's WPR briefing by Fabio Scarpello about the U.S.-China-Indonesia "three-way dance": After a decade of China making enormous advances in terms of its regional influence, the U.S. is regaining some of the ground it lost, and even once again taking a bit of a lead. The explanation is obvious enough, and has to do with lingering regional anxieties about China's sheer size, as well as recent Chinese overreach. Thomas P.M. Barnett hit upon it before I left, too, with his WPR column titled, "Putting the Brakes on China until Beijing Can."

The U.S.-China rebalancing in Asia is clearly the most significant ongoing development in global geopolitics. And it looks as if structurally, we happen to be in pretty good shape moving forward. Credit the Bush administration with establishing a sound policy framework to work from, and the Obama administration for both approaching China pragmatically and paying closer attention to the concerns of our regional friends and allies. Credit also goes to Beijing, for its hamhanded approach to the South China Sea, the Cheonan sinking and a variety of other global issues.

It's significant, too, to take note of this on the day that President Barack Obama is marking the shift in the U.S. role in Iraq, which despite being largely a case of sleight of hand in terms of nomenclature, is a major symbolic milestone. For all our initial failings there, Colin Powell's famous "Pottery Barn" rule has officially reached its expiration date. Hopefully the same will soon be true of our misadventure in Afghanistan, something that seems increasingly probable.

At that point, the U.S. will have emerged from its self-inflicted wounds of the past decade in much stronger shape, in geopolitical terms, than appeared likely as recently as 2007, when the sky appeared to be falling on U.S. power and global influence.

I'll have more to say later this week about where, besides Asia, I think we should turn our priorities in the "post-Pottery Barn rule" era. (Hint: Africa). But for now I just wanted to point out what seems like an emerging trend: The U.S. claim to being the indispensable power is an enduring one.

Global Insider: Brazil-EU Relations

Posted By Kari Lipschutz 30 Aug 2010 Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso, and President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy met at a summit in Brasilia in July to discuss the development of bilateral and regional ties. In an e-mail interview, Dr. Mahrukh Doctor, lecturer in political economy at the University of Hull and visiting associate professor at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, discusses Brazil-EU relations.

WPR: What issues are driving the current relationship between Brazil and EU?

Mahrukh Doctor: The key drivers of Brazil and EU relations are trade and investment. Brazil is the largest market for EU exports (€26.3 billion at its peak in 2008) and FDI in Latin America (€25.6 billion net in 2006-2009). Just less than a quarter of Brazilian exports are destined for the EU (€35.9 billion in 2008) and Brazilian FDI in the EU has grown in recent years (€39.7 billion net in 2006-2009). Moreover, these healthy economic links gain depth from shared strategic priorities and an emphasis on pursuing multilateral approaches to dealing with key global issues such as climate change, peace and security, sustainable development and global financial system regulation.

WPR: What is the balance between Brazil's bilateral relations with EU member states, and inter-regional relations between Mercosur and the EU?

Doctor: First it is important to note that the special status of bilateral relations is formalized in the EU-Brazil Strategic Partnership Agreement signed in 2007. However, the recent relaunch of negotiations to sign an EU-Mercosur Association Agreement, including a free trade agreement, will color bilateral relations. Although the talks are unlikely to result in a substantive agreement in the short run, it certainly provides a distracting element in terms of deepening Brazil-EU economic ties.

In my opinion, both Brazil and the EU find themselves in a bit of a fix on the question of accommodating Mercosur within their bilateral relations. For Brazil, Mercosur is most important as a forum for addressing regional political and security issues, but has diminishing economic value as it is increasingly seen as an obstacle to signing trade and investment agreements with third parties. However, Brazil finds it extremely difficult to move away from its economic commitments to a Mercosur customs union and a common external tariff. For the EU, strategic interests and pro-integration values make it desirable to deal with Mercosur as a bloc, although it recognizes that foot-draggging by some Mercosur members makes it extremely difficult to move forward collectively. It is not surprising that EU economic interests have looked elsewhere for new agreements.

WPR: What are the potential issues of increased cooperation and/or conflict between Brazil and the EU?

Doctor: The EU-Brazil Strategic Partnership Agreement and the Brazil-EU Joint Action Plan (adopted in 2008) lay out a number of areas of cooperation ranging from issues of global importance such as climate change, sustainable development, combating organized crime (illegal drugs and human trafficking), and international financial market regulation to more localized dialogues on issues such as sanitary and phytosanitary issues, education and cultural policies, science and technology, and migration.

There is a generally positive climate of cooperation between both sides, however there are some entrenched conflicts arising from thorny issues where they have taken opposing stances and have divergent interests at stake: agriculture trade protection, biofuels and alternate energy development, climate change and environment policy (especially deforestation), and food security are likely to be at the forefront of disagreements in their bilateral relations.

Trend Lines Will Return Aug. 30

Posted By The Editors 17 Aug 2010 Trend Lines will return on August 30th. During this publishing hiatus, we will be taking time to think of new ways that we can better serve and inform our readers and perform routine site maintenance. Is there something you'd like us to discuss more on Trend Lines? Want to give us feedback? E-mail our Assistant Editor, Kari Lipschutz, at Kari@worldpoliticsreview.com. Check back in at http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com throughout the hiatus for limited time only content.